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Women made history on Tuesday night, winning more seats in Congress than ever before.

By press time, at least 92 had won in the House and 10 had won in the Senate (joining 10 already in the upper chamber) for a total of 112 women - the most women to serve in Congress at once in history. (The previous record was 107.)

Women also hit a series of significant milestones. Deb Haaland and Sharice Davids are the first Native American women elected to Congress. Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar are the first Muslim women set to represent their states in the House. And Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Abby Finkenauer are due to be the youngest women to serve as lawmakers.

Women mobilized in opposition to President Donald Trump immediately after his election, leading the largest public demonstration in American history the day after his inauguration. They then built the largest sustained resistance in generations. A record number of women entered Democratic primaries and ran for state and local office, and went on to outperform their male colleagues in races nationwide.

Women didn't just contribute to the blue wave; they fueled it.

More women in Congress isn't just a symbolic victory

There are a lot of reasons to elect more women to Congress - including simply that equal representation in government is vital to ensure that the broader country is fairly represented.

Study after study has found that women raise more policies related to women's health and issues like family leave compared to their male counterparts. As Georgetown University's Michele Swers found in research examining Congress in the 1990s, liberal female legislators co-sponsored 10.6 bills related to women's health, on average, which amounted to 5.3 more bills than liberal male legislators.

\"We can't predict X, Y, Z policy will pass, but we can safely say that there will be issues brought to the table that have otherwise not been there,\" says Kelly Dittmar, a political science professor and scholar at Rutgers University's Center for Women in Politics. \"Having more diverse perspectives among the women in office will ensure that more women in the electorate are better represented.\"

Plus, as Vox's Sarah Kliff has reported, women in Congress have a track record of getting more done. A study from UC Berkeley's Sarah Anzia and University of Chicago's Christopher Berry found that female legislators were able to bring back $49 million more for their districts on an annual basis, compared to male legislators.

These outcomes could be a byproduct of how women and men approach running for office in the first place, says Dittmar. When asked why they are pursuing an elected position, women were more likely to identify a policy they really care about, she notes, while men were more likely to say it was because they wanted to be an elected official.

More women running for office and winning these seats is likely to impact how people perceive women becoming candidates in the future. \"As more women run, more women get interested in politics and think it's a plausible path for them,\" says Notre Dame political science professor Christina Wolbrecht.

\"That's one of the most valuable outcomes of this year even beyond the numbers,\" says Dittmar. A study from political analytics expert Amelia Showalter previously found that when more women are elected to statewide offices like governor, senator, and attorney general, the number of women in the state legislature saw significant increases down the line.

This record number of women elected could have a similar multiplier effect - changing what people envision when they think of what political candidates and leaders should look and sound like.

\"We've pushed voters to think,\" says Dittmar. \"I don't see the conversation we're having nationally about gender and power dying down after this election.\"

What made this the year for women to break barriers

While women will still be outnumbered in Congress, there's no question that there was a substantial wave - especially on the Democratic side. Emily's List, a Democratic group that helps fundraise for and support women candidates who support abortion rights, saw outreach from more than 42,000 women this cycle. In 2016, the organization heard from just 920 women.

This sizable increase comes from, first and foremost, pushback against Trump, experts say. Much like in 1992, the other renowned \"Year of the Woman,\" women are broadly fed up with pervasive abuses of power - including Trump's bragging about sexual assault, comments that were captured by the infamous Access Hollywood tape.

\"Since the election of 2016, we've seen an explosion of awareness of how entrenched male privilege and power has been,\" says the University of Kentucky's Susan Bordo. \"Partly, that's been the result of having elected a president whose misogyny is so blatant.\"

\"That election was a real slap in the face to a lot of us,\" Mikie Sherrill, the Congress member-elect for New Jersey's 11th House District, told Bloomberg.

In addition to a groundswell of enthusiasm and outrage this year, there's also been a slow but steady establishment of infrastructure to promote women candidates.

\"One explanation for why we're seeing growth continue on the Democratic side is that Democrats have Emily's List and it is a major source of strength for Democratic women,\" says UC Berkeley's Anzia. \"There are similar organizations on the Republican side but nowhere near the reach of Emily's List.\"

As Roll Call reported, Emily's List is on track to spend $37 million on roughly 30 House races during the 2018 cycle. In addition to bolstering candidates' campaign coffers, the organization is involved in recruitment and training of women.

\"Two things are going on this year,\" says Boston University political science professor Virginia Sapiro. \"More Democratic women are energized because of the anti-woman stance of the current administration, and there is a growth of organizations devoted to recruiting and training Democratic women candidates.\"

On top of these two trends, there's been a growing bench of women candidates who are coming up through various state legislatures. According to Rutgers's Center for American Women and Politics, the number of women in state legislatures has grown fivefold since the 1970s. These government bodies often serve as a feeder for other statewide offices and congressional roles.

Arizona's Kyrsten Sinema and Tennessee's Marsha Blackburn both served in their respective state legislatures, for example, before ascending to congressional seats and launching bids for the Senate.

Trump helped women redefine \"qualified\"

Voters are also reevaluating the kind of experience it takes to pursue elected office. A huge contribution to this year's wave of women has been a notable increase in first-time candidates.

\"With the rise of Donald Trump, people are rethinking their assumption about what previous experience you need to be successful in politics,\" Notre Dame's Wolbrecht says. Women have also long been viewed as \"outsiders\" in politics, she notes. It's a perception that could be advantageous in a year when people are fed up with \"politics as usual.\"

Historically, \"women are less politically ambitious - they are less likely to think of running for office, they are less likely to want to, they are less likely to think they are qualified,\" says Anzia.

She emphasizes that women's interest in running, or lack thereof, is a key piece of the current dynamic that needs to be examined, but adds that there's also much to be learned about how the electorate treats and perceives women candidates. \"We need to better understand the role of voters,\" she says.

Her research has found that female candidates are more qualified, on average, than male candidates. While this pattern could be a result of women feeling like they need to be more qualified in order to run for office, it could also mean that the electorate would only consider and advance a woman if she were more qualified compared to her male counterparts, she says.

The barriers to women's decisions to run are backed up by research from the University of Virginia's Jennifer Lawless and Loyola Marymount's Richard Fox; women tend to be more risk-averse and may be less inclined to run given negative perceptions of how other women politicians are treated.

But now, with such an array of diverse women making it into office, that old calculation could start to change.

The United States is still far behind other developed countries in women's representation

The United States made a lot of progress, but we still have a long way to go.

As Soo Oh and Sarah Kliff reported for Vox last year: \"In the past two decades, the US has sunk from 52nd in the world for women's representation to 104th today, according to data compiled by the Inter-Parliamentary Union. In the past year alone, the US has dropped nine places - from 95th to 104th - among more than 190 countries.\"

A 2015 Pew report offered similarly dismal findings. Pew's survey determined that the US ranked 33rd among a list of 49 high-income countries, trailing Sweden and South Africa in the proportion of women who make up the national legislature.

A number of other countries around the world have outpaced the US due to national policies, including quota systems, to actively promote women in government roles, Oh and Kliff write.

\n
Take, for example, Bolivia. Twenty years ago, it ranked 98th for women's representation, and as recently as 2008, only 16.9 percent of its representatives were women. But in 2009, the country passed a constitutional amendment requiring equal gender representation in government. The Bolivian legislature is now 53.1 percent women and ranks second in the world.
\n

Without such programs, America has continued to inch toward congressional parity at its own glacial pace. \"It is time for America to rethink our tactics on electing more women and to reconsider structural reforms, such as quotas, that make such a difference in the rest of the world,\" writes activist Susannah Wellford in an op-ed for US News.

Absent such changes, the same kinds of barriers that reaffirm the status quo will persist - even with the influx of women in Congress. \"Women were still less than 25 percent of candidates this cycle,\" says Dittmar. \"Even with an increase, women are still confronting many of the constraints they face in society.\"

\"I have no expectation in my lifetime that women will be 50 percent of the legislature. I just don't,\" says Wolbrecht.

It's up to women in future election cycles to prove this expectation wrong.

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Jane Yamamoto-Burigsay
Courtesy: Social Security Administration

Especially in March - Women's History Month - we celebrate \"Rosie the Riveter,\" the American icon who represented women working in factories during World War II. These women learned new jobs and filled in for the men who were away at war. They produced much of the armaments and ammunition to supply the war effort.

They also paid FICA on their wages, contributing to the Social Security program. These \"Rosies\" embodied the \"can-do\" spirit immortalized in a poster by J. Howard Miller. Both the image and the spirit live on today.

If you asked Rosie about Social Security, she would use her rivet gun to drive home the value of Social Security for women. More Rosies work today, and nearly 60 percent of people receiving benefits are women. Women tend to live longer than men, so Social Security's inflation-adjusted benefits help protect women. You can outlive your savings and investments, but Social Security is for life. Women provide their own basic level of protection when they work and pay taxes into the Social Security system. Women who married and had low earnings, or who didn't work outside their home may be covered through their spouse's work.

\nTo read the rest of this article, please subscribe to The Herald! Jane Yamamoto-Burigsay is Social Security's public affairs specialist in Hawai'i.

Today's Rosie will turn her \"can-do\" spirit into learning more about Social Security and the role it will play in her financial plan for the future. She focuses on our pamphlet titled, What Every Woman Should Know,available at www.socialsecurity.gov/pubs/10127.html, for a game plan.

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Earnings Gap Hits Mom's Social Security

Mothers often work less because, well, they're also moms.

Still, they generally work consistently enough to qualify for Social Security pensions based on their own earnings records - rather than on their husbands', as was common when more women were full-time housewives or worked just a few hours a week while the kids were at school.

Yet today's working mothers do take a hit to their earnings when they temporarily reduce their hours or take a hiatus from work for childcare. The upshot of lower earnings is less Social Security income later for mothers, according to a new study by researchers for the Center for Retirement Research (CRR supports this blog).

The researchers, Matt Rutledge, Alice Zulkarnain, and Sara Ellen King, used data on all older women - married or single, mother or not. First, they confirmed past studies showing that the typical mom earns about $2,760 per month - or 28 percent less than a childless woman earns. Having two children translates to nearly 32 percent less income, and three children, to 35 percent less. (The analysis adjusts for some things - education is one - but not all the factors that distinguish mothers from non-mothers.)

Mothers' lower Social Security benefits reflect this earnings penalty, though by a smaller percentage. Mothers' benefit checks are 16 percent less than women who had no children to care for. Benefits are also lower if they had more children - by 18 percent for two children and nearly 21 percent for three.

Mitigating the impact on mom's benefits are the Social Security program's progressive calculations for lower-income workers and the spousal benefit for moms who work part-time or not at all. A spousal benefit, equal to half of a working husband's benefit, is almost like a bonus to them - even the stay-at-home moms receive it, though they don't have a work history. Nevertheless, mothers overall do receive lower benefits.

Many European countries have addressed this disparity. Policies under the federal social security systems of Portugal, Spain, Austria, and Sweden, for example, give mothers (and sometimes fathers) earnings credits for time spent out of the labor force during pregnancy and child-rearing. The credits apply when it's time to calculate their retirement benefits. Similar proposals for the United States haven't gotten very far.

While nothing may be more rewarding than motherhood, smaller retirement benefits are a reality in this country.

\nThe research reported herein was performed pursuant to a grant from the U.S. Social Security Administration (SSA) funded as part of the Retirement Research Consortium. The opinions and conclusions expressed are solely those of the author(s) and do not represent the opinions or policy of SSA or any agency of the federal government. Neither the United States Government nor any agency thereof, nor any of their employees, makes any warranty, express or implied, or assumes any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, completeness, or usefulness of the contents of this report. Reference herein to any specific commercial product, process or service by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise does not necessarily constitute or imply endorsement, recommendation or favoring by the United States Government or any agency thereof.

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Stacey Abrams

Women aren't just running for Congress in record numbers-they're also running for governor in record numbers:

\n
This year, at least 79 women - 49 Democrats and 30 Republicans - are running for governor or seriously considering it as filing deadlines approach, according to a tally by the Center for American Women in Politics at Rutgers University.
\n
The numbers are more than double what they were four years ago and on track to surpass the record 34 women who ran for governor in 1994. In Ohio, there are three women running for governor in the Democratic primary and one in the Republican. In Georgia, both Democratic candidates are named Stacey.
\n

If women don't run, they can't win, but-as we've seen at the federal level-women running for executive face added sexism:

\n
Their candidacies are testing long-held attitudes about women and leadership. Voters tended to see women as \"well suited for legislatures, where it's collaborative,\" said Debbie Walsh, director of the center. \"It runs up against the stereotype to see women as the chief decider, the place where the buck stops.\"
\n

There are just six women now serving as governors in the United States. Let's change that in 2018.

Can you chip in $3 to help elect Stacey Abrams governor of Georgia?

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Watch out, moms: The motherhood penalty can extend into retirement.

Mothers with one child receive 16 percent less in Social Security benefits at age 62 than non-mothers do, according to a new paper from the Center for Retirement Research at Boston College. Each additional child reduces benefits by 2 percent more.

In part, the gaps are because parents and non-parents are very different groups when it comes to work and retirement decisions, said co-author Matthew Rutledge, a research economist at the center. Moms have lower lifetime earnings, too, from unpaid time out of the workforce to care for children, and that motherhood penalty on pay. (All else equal, the center found that mothers with one child have lifetime earnings 28 percent less, with 3 percent additional drop for each additional child.)

Being aware of that potential Social Security gap could help moms mitigate it.

Try to keep a hand in the workforce - even on a part-time or consulting basis - during periods when you leave a job to raise a child, said certified financial planner Nora Yousif, vice president at RBC Wealth Management in South Easton, Massachusetts. Your Social Security benefit at full retirement age is based on your highest 35 years of earnings, and it's better to have a low-income year than a zero-income year in that calculation.

Mayte Torres | Getty Images

\"The most important thing is to make sure they are employed and it's not an under-the-table job,\" Yousif said.

You might also look at retiring later or phasing into retirement to make up for any zero- or low-income years, said certified financial planner Victoria Fillet, a co-founder of Blueprint Financial Planning in Hoboken, New Jersey.

A 2016 paper from the center found that for 46 percent of women, working until age 63 instead of 62 replaced a zero-income year in the Social Security benefits calculation. Every dollar in late-career earnings could increase your benefit at full retirement age by 15 to 90 cents, they estimated.

But working longer is a tough strategy to bank on, said Rutledge. Health problems or a need to provide care for a loved one could force an earlier-than-anticipated exit, and older job seekers can face discrimination.

\"There's some evidence that women are more subject to age discrimination than men,\" he said.

Scrutinizing available Social Security claiming strategies can also make a difference, Rutledge said. Claiming before your full retirement age permanently reduces benefits, while each year you delay after reaching your full retirement age until age 70 boosts your benefit by 8 percent.

If you're married, the paper found, \"the motherhood penalty is almost negligible,\" with spouses having more opportunity to maximize their benefits.

\"It's not so great to rely on spousal benefits,\" said Rutledge, pointing to rising rates of gray divorce.

But if you are divorced or widowed, you may be able to claim benefits based on that former spouse's record, said Yousif. Run those numbers to see which benefit is better.

New parents might also look at this news as a good nudge to reassess your retirement plan, Fillet said.

Social Security benefits account for at least half of income for 50 percent of married couples and 71 percent of unmarried individuals, according to government statistics. Beefing up your savings can help counterbalance the motherhood impact on that Social Security check.

\"It's important to save as much as you possibly can,\" Fillet said. \"There's absolutely no way to get around it.\"

\n\n

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This is addressed to all readers, but especially young women, who are enjoying prime working years, developing skills, acquiring friends and contacts, and making money. You may be delighted with your income, even if it's not quite as high as you believe (or know) your male colleagues earn. You're probably not thinking about your \"golden years,\" when much of your income may be a Social Security check. But here's why you should.

Many have forgotten that until the 1970s women had no access to real wealth, except through men. Even heiresses saw their money managed by male advisers. Remember the movie \"How to Marry a Millionaire,\" with Betty Grable, Lauren Bacall and Marilyn Monroe? Each was in search of a man with money - a smart move, considering there were few other avenues open to them if they wanted to live in relative comfort. Women who married for money were disparagingly referred to as \"gold-diggers,\" but the financial outlook was bleak for an unmarried woman. It was widely understood in the 1950s and 1960s that a woman in pursuit of a college education was really looking for her M-R-S degree.

Things have changed since then, but evidence abounds documenting the gap in pay. And even if women's pay were suddenly equal to men's, inequities will remain, because of the disparity many years ago. Here's what I mean. A senior citizen at last, I now receive Social Security. The amount of the monthly check is directly proportional to what I have paid into the system over the course of my working life.

The government's website says: Social Security benefits are typically computed using \"average indexed monthly earnings.\" This average summarizes up to 35 years of a worker's indexed earnings. We apply a formula to this average to compute the primary insurance amount. The PIA is the basis for the benefits that are paid to an individual.

This sounds fair, but when I entered the workplace in the late 1960s, just about the only jobs available for women in my socio-economic bracket were secretary, teacher and nurse, and these were not high-paying professions. Choices available to women in lower economic classes paid even less.

If you wanted a job, you turned to the newspaper, where classified ads were divided: \"Help Wanted - Male\" and \"Help Wanted - Female.\" Higher paying jobs were largely off limits to women. I recall walking into an international organization in 1969, armed with my newly minted master's degree in languages, only to be told, \"We hire women only for secretaries, and you're over-qualified.\" This wasn't happening to the young men who were my classmates.

I was offered a job in textbook publishing (a notorious female ghetto then, where an educated woman could wait for a husband). I chose instead to teach in a private school, which I enjoyed a lot, even though the salary was a pittance. I gradually worked my way into more remunerative fields, often working as an independent contractor, deriving income from a variety of sources, including occasional teaching assignments.

Fast forward, and today, my Social Security check covers my mortgage and my co-op's maintenance. If I want to eat, I must work. As it happens, I enjoy my work and would not have embraced a life of leisure even if my income were greater. Men my age, however, have not had to make that choice.

The Social Security/pension angle should be included in women's fight for equitable pay. Even if we've come a long way, inequities persist in the most insidious fashion and will leave women at a level lower than male colleagues years from now. In other words, our efforts to ensure equal pay for equal work will be subverted if we are not attentive to all facets of the picture. Equal pay today only partially offsets historical inequities, and we must know this, lest guilty consciences be assuaged by partial solutions.

\nMary Jane Wilkie works as an independent contractor in New York City, deriving much of her income from recruitment of non-profit executives. Her email is workbycontract@nyc.rr.com.

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There were women in trees, women on tiptoe atop ledges, all trying to peer over the hundreds of thousands of heads in pink hats filling Washington's National Mall for the Women's March in January. In all of her 69 years, Judy Seguin never had been part of anything like this.

Seguin had driven from Nowthen, Minnesota, with her daughter, teenage granddaughter and friends, saying yes with a newfound impulsiveness.

\"It was a defining experience for me,\" she says quietly. \"The solidarity, the permission to be who you are.\"

Across the dining room table, Susan Dergantz listened, nodding. She didn't go to Washington, but she also finds herself stepping out of her comfort zone, calling congressional representatives, writing postcards, reading legislation.

\"With all that's going on this year, I decided it was time to become involved,\" says Dergantz, 67, of Anoka, Minnesota. \"I thought that making phone calls, trying to attend town hall meetings, would, I don't know, make me feel less helpless.\"

Seguin and Dergantz are afloat in a rather unexpected pool of activism. It's a pool of older women who've raised kids, held jobs, gone to church, kept life going behind the scenes. Now, somewhat to their surprise, many feel energized by issues affecting women and social justice.

\"We really are issues-oriented,\" Seguin says. \"It's not necessarily about who's in the White House. I see what may be coming, and I don't like the plans from our Legislature or Congress or president. They aren't listening. Government happens at the lowest level. I think people forget that.

\"So we're done. We're done being quiet.\"

Dergantz and Seguin are part of a grass-roots movement of activist older women. Maureen McHugh, a professor of psychology at Indiana University of Pennsylvania who's written extensively on women's issues, says their visibility is a testament to how much women's lives have changed in the past several decades.

\"There is a larger group of educated, previously employed women - who might also have organizational skills around protest - than there ever has been in our whole history,\" McHugh says.

\"Some of issues they're mobilizing about now really are the same old issues, which is discouraging. But at the same time, we understand them.\"

Yet Seguin isn't keen about being considered a rebel.

\"I don't really like that term 'activist' when I feel like a grandma,\" she says. \"I'm a grandma who is taking action.\"

Getting her voice back

Seguin and Dergantz met 10 years ago at their church, the First Congregational Church United Church of Christ in Anoka, which Dergantz calls \"a beautiful pocket of liberalism.\" \"It's not that I'm especially religious,\" she added, \"but it gave me the permission to be the person I am inside, to be more, to do more.\"

The two women clicked, partly given their backgrounds. As Dergantz says, \"I feel like I've known Judy my whole life.\"

Seguin worked for 31 years with Hennepin County as a human services supervisor in public assistance. Dergantz taught middle school students in St. Francis for 35 years, and still exudes a wry even-keeledness. She volunteers at the Anoka Metro Regional Treatment Center, an elementary school and a local homeless shelter.

They're each attuned to needs of the young and the less fortunate.

Seguin once was young and less fortunate.

She married at 18 after graduating from high school, but her husband abused her physically and emotionally. \"My only sunshine in the eight years we were married were my two kids,\" she says. She's not sure how things would have ended. All she knows is that a woman - \"and it's always been women who've helped me\" - told her that she saw what was going on, and that she was there for her.

That was incentive enough for Seguin to file for divorce. She returned to school, but needed public assistance until she could get a job.

\"That's how I could pay the rent, or get clothes for the kids,\" she says. \"I was lucky enough to have parents to help, but many do not.\"

Eventually, she met Dean Seguin. They've been married for 39 years, \"and my life has been pretty darn good.\"

Then, last year, her former husband died and she realized how his influence had subconsciously lurked over the years, \"how I'd always felt a little afraid.\" His death, she says, \"gave me my voice back.\"

Dergantz touched her friend's hand and exhaled. She's heard this story. This time, though, she decided to share her own story.

\"OK, I don't know if you have ever heard this,\" Dergantz began, and then told how she had been sexually assaulted during her first summer as a schoolteacher, how it's taken her 40 years to come to terms with that violence, how she gained 100 pounds \"trying to make myself undesirable as a piece of meat,\" how she lost that weight and - like Seguin - found her voice.

\"I'd been taking care of other people all my life and now am taking care of myself,\" she says. \"I think I'm just starting to give myself permission, period.\"

Seguin touched her friend's hand and exhaled.

Echo from past

When Seguin says, \"We're done being quiet,\" it sounds like an echo from several pasts:

From 1848, and the first women's rights convention in Seneca Falls, New York; among the topics was women's right to vote. After 72 years of lawsuits and protests, the 19th Amendment was ratified in 1920.

From 1963, when Betty Friedan's \"The Feminine Mystique\" told how women felt stifled by expectations to be homemakers.

From 1972, when Congress passed the Equal Rights Amendment, but too few states ratified it by the deadline.

But - breaking news - the Nevada Legislature ratified the ERA last month, the first state in 40 years to do so. The action is symbolic, yet emblematic of a new phrase in the zeitgeist: \"Nevertheless, she persisted.\"

McHugh says the growing presence of older women as social change agents is a result of veteran activists from the Gloria Steinem era joining forces with women for whom activism is as unfamiliar as their grandchild's Snapchat account.

\"There are those who have been continuously involved in the women's movement, and it's their energy and leadership and previous experience that is behind this,\" McHugh says.

The urgency seen in the Women's March is due, partly, to the fact that activists of the 1960s and '70s \"actually kind of relaxed\" around issues such as pay equity, abortion access and child care, McHugh says. \"They thought of these issues as past, and now they are very anxious to try and fix it.\"

\"Oftentimes we cut older women off and put them in a corner to crochet,\" she added. \"But it's healthy as you age to be engaged.\" There are many formal groups with names such as Conscious Elders Network, Older Women's League, even the Raging Grannies (whose chapters are called \"gaggles\").

That said, even McHugh was somewhat taken aback by the turnout for the Women's March.

\"I was totally stunned that it was a snap reaction for some of these women to go,\" she says. \"There's a grass-roots generational feel to it. It's not just that older women are inspired, but that women are united.\"

\nDistributed by Tribune News Service

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Motherhood is changing, as are mothers' working lives-and those changes have economists concerned.

For a while, women around the world were making clear economic progress. More of them were working, and they were earning more (and boosting the global economy in the process).

But in the past few decades, that progress has stalled. Women's participation in the U.S. workforce peaked two decades ago. And today, women are making big changes to when, and whether, they have children.

Economists have begun paying attention. Last week, Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen raised the alarm in a speech at Brown University. \"We, as a country, have reaped great benefits from the increasing role that women have played in the economy,\" she said. \"But evidence suggests that barriers to women's continued progress remain.\"

Among those barriers: \"a lack of equal opportunity and challenges to combining work and family.\"

Since the demands of parenting are a key factor keeping women out of the workforce, Yellen and other economists are focusing on the barriers that parents, especially mothers, face-among them the high cost of child care and a lack of workplace flexibility. \"To keep women and men productive in the labor market, it is a good idea to have supporting institutions that can ease some of the burdens of both single parents and married couples with children,\" said Torsten Slok, chief international economist at Deutsche Bank.

For now, though, women around the world are much less likely than men their age to be employed-and American women are less likely than women in many European countries to work.

Those gaps carry an economic cost, for women as well as for the U.S. and global economies.

From 1948 to 1990, the surge of women into the workforce boosted the U.S. economy's potential growth rate by 0.5 percentage points each year, Yellen said in her speech. Other research suggests the U.S. economy would expand 5 percent if as many women were employed as men. Japan's would increase 9 percent, and Egypt's 34 percent.

That's growth the world can't spare at a time when other factors, such as aging populations and low productivity increases, are holding economies back.

A unique factor facing American mothers is the U.S.'s lack of paid maternity leave. Almost every developed country guarantees mothers paid time off when they have a child. On average, the 35 countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD) offer18 weeks of paid leave. The U.S. guarantees none.

Almost everywhere, women are waiting longer to have children. In 2015, the average age at which American mothers had their first child was 26.4-up from 22.7 a generation before, in 1980. That age has risen even faster for women elsewhere. The oldest new moms, according to a study earlier this year, are in South Korea, where the average women is 31.1 when she has her first child.

Motherhood affects women's careers in varying ways, depending on their occupations. A 2014 study found about a quarter of American mothers of preschoolers don't work. Women in managerial or professional jobs were the most likely to remain in the workforce: Only 15 percent of them stopped working while their children were young-but they did cut back on how much they worked, by about 2.5 hours per week, on average. (A Pew Research Center survey released in March found that American workers in households making more than $75,000 a year are twice as likely to get paid leave as those whose households earn less than $30,000.)

Not all women have children, of course. But the vast majority do: Only 14.4 percent of American women age 40 to 44 have never given birth, a number that's fallen from a peak of 20.4 percent in 2006. At the same time, however, women are waiting longer and longer to have their first child. In the U.S., 31 percent of women age 30 to 34 had never given birth to a child, according to 2016 Census data. That's up from 26 percent in 2006.

By still having kids but having them later, women find their careers are changing in significant ways.

\"A new life cycle of women's labor force participation has emerged,\" Harvard University professor Claudia Goldin and U.S. Census researcher Joshua Mitchell found in a recent study. Women in the U.S. participate in the workforce at high rates in their 20s-but fewer of them are working in their 30s and early 40s, a time Goldin and Mitchell call \"the sagging middle.\"

That time out of the workforce interrupts peak earning years for women, particularly mothers; for the rest of their careers, perhaps once their kids are older, they must make up for lost time and money. The number of women working well into their 60s and 70s has surged in the U.S., as more of them postpone retirement.

\nHave personal finance questions or lessons to share? Join Money Talks, the new Facebook community from Bloomberg News.

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